Japanese Imperialism in Asia by Hawksfeathers97 on deviantART
of the victims of Japanese imperialism in Asia really supported it
Junichiro Koizumi fashions himself as Japan’s male MargaretThatcher to promote all-out neo-liberalism in Japan, the way war-timeemperorHirohito fashioned himself after the Queen Victoria to promotingJapanese imperialismin Asia.
marked a major expansion of Japanese imperialism in Asia
How, one might ask, was the SFPT able to masquerade as a treaty ending a fifteen-year war in Asia when few, if any, of the victims of Japanese imperialism in Asia really supported it? Part of the answer lies in the accommodation that pro-U.S. leaders, such as Taiwan's Chiang Kai-shek, South Korea's Syngman Rhee, and the Philippines' Elpidio Quirino made in order to shore up their own regimes. But as we have seen, their actual role in the peace treaty process was quite limited. More important in the legitimation process was the role played by the forty-five or so other countries that turned up in San Francisco to shout down Soviet objections to the treaty.
This is not to suggest that, in contrast, high culture articulates a more genuine Asianism; the articulation of high culture itself relies on the operation of the very binary structure (artistic sensibility versus scientific rationality, spirituality versus materiality) that a regionalist deployment of high culture seeks to dismantle. Nonetheless, as long as Asia is defined through its shared experience of exploitation and colonization, this aesthetics—situated as it is within the specific geopolitical condition that marked the global extension of Western imperialism— remains a powerful trope for regional solidarity. Furthermore, as long as high culture is defined in the forms of cultural mutation and hybridization that preceded the consolidation of national culture, it remains a conceptual means by which to momentarily transcend the historical predicament of Western imperialism. However, from the moment Japan establishes itself as the only non-Western colonial power (an identification process that I have elsewhere termed “not-white, not-quite, yet alike”), the radical discourse of emancipation is inverted and reorganized as a justification for Japanese imperialism in Asia.It is harder to know with Obama. He closed down two wars, and brought back a broken economy. No one but Lincoln and FDR has ever inherited a larger mess, and neither of these great presidents had to deal with an immediate crisis abroad--though the threat of secession and the rise of fascism in Europe and Japanese imperialism in Asia certainly provide a parallel. Obama has been far more hawkish than he had seemed to promise in his first campaign--drone wars, assassination of American citizen abroad, the trumpeting of killing Bin Laden, the continuing engagement in Afghanistan, and now the return to Iraq to fight ISIL. The continuation and expansion of the National Security State that Bush set in motion after 9/11. Many people on the left see these as deep flaws. Some on the right think he has not gone far enough, while rightwing libertarians sometimes seem to think that we should just wash our hands of the whole business and retreat behind our borders--a version of the French Maginot line.